“Self-government has nothing to do with land.”
That’s what he said. Jasen Benwah. (Screenshot 1, Screenshot 2 to view how he edited the comment)
And he meant it — confidently, even indignantly — in a public thread for all to see.
But what if I told you that comment reveals more about the strategy than the truth?
Because while he’s shouting it, Canada is quietly funding the opposite.
Welcome to the second layer of the Land Beneath the Story: the silent architecture of jurisdiction. The spreadsheets, policy grants, and bureaucratic scaffolding that are laid years before anyone hears the word self-government. Before the signs go up. Before the land maps are redrawn.
This isn’t about who gets to vote or which group speaks French (Although, expect me to dig into this soon).
It’s about what happens when “just cultural funding” quietly transforms into legal capacity.
It’s how Canada builds governance without telling the public — until it’s too late to object.
The Capacity Lie: What Locals Hear vs. What Ottawa Builds
Most people think “self-government” begins when the term is said out loud.
That’s wrong.
Long before any negotiation becomes public, Ottawa’s machinery is already in motion.
Under programs labeled “governance readiness” and “capacity building,” the federal government funds the internal structure of self-government agreements — without using the term. These aren’t development grants. They’re jurisdictional seedbeds¹.
Ottawa calls it capacity.
But what it’s really building is consent — manufactured quietly, funded bureaucratically.
This is why so many locals fall for the idea that “it’s just cultural.” Because that’s the mask.
What they don’t see is that culture becomes code.
From Culture to Code: How Tradition Becomes Jurisdiction
Here’s how it works:
Step 1: A grant is issued — say, to create a Mi’kmaq language book, or a genealogy project. (In… maybe 2015–2016 I approached him with a “Mothers of Acadia” project to trace how many individual female native ancestors we have as a local group. This is traceable via DNA. I myself am Native Haplogroup A2f. He completely ignored the proposition. Ancestry.ca was also willing to donate the tests for FREE. He didn’t because he did not want to be faced with the truth.)
Step 2: That books define membership. The genealogy data outlines who belongs to the community (and lets not forget self-identification!) — and for the Qalipu itself, which community you reside in — even if the genealogy shows our native ancestors occur ~400 years ago.
Step 3: Later, that same data is used to form an electoral roll, define land stewardship zones, or anchor consultation protocols.
Step 4: And just like that, a cultural grant becomes a tool of administration².
How Culture Becomes Code
▸ Language and cultural books → defines membership
▸ Genealogy project → builds governance registry
▸ Oral history and books → maps “traditional territory”
▸ Elders council → becomes dispute resolution body
▸ Healing circle → reframed as justice mechanism
▸ All of the above → framework for Section 35 recognition³
The 2022 article “The Local Paradox in Grand Policy Schemes” lays it out plainly:
Participation in these seemingly neutral programs is later counted as evidence of consent⁴ — even when the participants had no idea what they were consenting to.
It’s a masterclass in slow-motion jurisdiction.
REDBs, ACOA, and the New Colonial Middlemen
None of this could happen without the middle layer: the regional economic development boards (REDBs) like CBDC, federal departments like CIRNA, and gatekeeping arms like ACOA⁵.
These organizations aren’t elected. Their board members are hand-picked. Their reports go to Ottawa, not the public. And when they say they’re “supporting Indigenous-led capacity,” what they often mean is:
- Drafting bylaws or dispute resolution codes
- Creating internal land-use or heritage protection plans
- Funding “healing” spaces that are later reframed as administrative hubs
- Hosting retreats or workshops that check the box for "community input"
Newfoundland Example: Port au Port’s Silent Pivot
In western Newfoundland, the CBDC quietly allocated funding for "Indigenous cultural development" in a region that — at the time — had no declared land claim or formal negotiation in place. Local residents assumed the program was about youth engagement and tourism.
What they didn’t see was that:
- The group receiving funds had previously submitted an Indigenous governance proposal under Section 35⁶.
- The outcomes of the funding (digital archives, family trees, oral testimony) were retained — not locally, but by the organization seeking jurisdiction.
To this day, most landowners in the area have no idea that their region has been quietly prepared for governance.
No One Said the Word, But the Word Was There
“Self-government has nothing to do with land.”
It’s a perfect example of how far behind the public conversation is.
Because in the federal funding documentation, the terms appear:
- “Strengthening governance capacity”
- “Supporting community-led jurisdictional frameworks”
- “Preparing for future self-government opportunities under Section 35”⁷
They avoid the land conversation up front — because they know that’s where resistance lives.
But they build the framework anyway.
And once it’s built, land is just the last piece to fall into place.
When the Framework’s Finished, It’s Too Late to Object
Here’s the danger:
By the time locals realize what’s happening, the groundwork is done.
A consultation process is launched — not to ask for input, but to validate a pre-built outcome.
- You want to say no? Too late. The infrastructure is already in place.
- You want to challenge it? It’s already funded.
- You want to stop it? You’re now opposing “community-led governance.”
This is how quiet consent becomes official record.
And this is why the comment matters.
It’s not just misinformed — it’s weaponized ignorance.
It’s exactly what the framework needs to survive.
The Quiet Framework Is Loud Enough — If You Know How to Listen
If Part 1 revealed the contradiction, Part 2 shows you the machine behind it.
Self-government doesn’t need a vote. It doesn’t need a public meeting.
It only needs quiet money and a complacent community (Hey look! "complacent"! I used this in my letter to the 2015 Fracking Review Panel!)
They tell you it’s nothing to do with land — while laying the pipes that deliver governance to it.
And once the framework is done, the land becomes a formality.
A final layer over what’s already operational.
In Part 3, we’ll see what happens when that invisible jurisdiction hits visible property:
Cabins, Crown grants, municipal limits, and your front step.
But for now, remember this:
Every time they say “it’s just culture” — check the funding agreement.
It’s probably already governance.
See Also
When the Left Built the Cage: Newfoundland’s Law of Control and the Protest That Created It
The Faux Consultation Files: Staged Democracy in Newfoundland
Governance Without Teeth: Why Local Councils Fail and Global Agendas Win
Rehearsed Truth: How Repeating the Same Story Keeps Newfoundland Stuck
Green Land, Empty Hands: How Resource Governance Leaves Locals With Symbolic Wins
References
[1] Government of Canada – “The Government of Canada’s Approach to Implementation of the Inherent Right and the Negotiation of Aboriginal Self-Government.” https://www.rcaanc-cirnac.gc.ca/eng/1100100031843/1539869205136
[2] Crown-Indigenous Relations and Northern Affairs Canada – Capacity & Governance Programs (index + key program + evaluation):
• Learn more about our programs: https://www.rcaanc-cirnac.gc.ca/eng/1333648540844/1616697186062
• Basic Organizational Capacity Funding: https://www.rcaanc-cirnac.gc.ca/eng/1386252384754/1615724544238
• Evaluation of Engagement and Capacity Support (2022): https://www.rcaanc-cirnac.gc.ca/eng/1645106197932/1645106227399
[3] National Panel on First Nation Elementary & Secondary Education – Final Report (2012). “Nurturing the Learning Spirit of First Nation Students.” https://www.opsba.org/wp-content/uploads/2021/02/nationalPanelReportFirstNationsEducationFeb0812.pdf
[4] Van Assche, Kristof; Greenwood, Robert; Gruezmacher, Monica (2022). “The local paradox in grand policy schemes: Lessons from Newfoundland and Labrador.” Scandinavian Journal of Management, 38(3), 101212. https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/abs/pii/S0956522122000197
[5] Atlantic Canada Opportunities Agency (ACOA) – Indigenous economic development:
• Indigenous economic development in Atlantic Canada: https://www.canada.ca/en/atlantic-canada-opportunities/services/indigenous-business-atlantic-canada.html
• 2024–25 Departmental Plan: https://www.canada.ca/en/atlantic-canada-opportunities/corporate/transparency/2024-25-departmental-plan.html
[6] Hogan, Jessica L. (2025). “The legacy of the cod fishery collapse: Understanding wind energy acceptance in Newfoundland through energy justice and place.” Energy Research & Social Science, 127, 104274.
• Article record: https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S221462962500355X
[7] Crown-Indigenous Relations and Northern Affairs Canada – Departmental Results Report 2022–23 (governance funding & results). https://rcaanc-cirnac.gc.ca/eng/1528816532546/1528816542299